While the Islamic legitimacy of the armed opposition to the Syrian regime remains uncontested among the Salafi-jihadi radicals, the decisive, dividing concern is simple: Which jihadi faction should the Egyptian Salafi-jihadi movement support?
Syria is developing a “war economy” as individuals and networks seek to exploit the opportunities of conflict
The Islamic Front contains some of Syria’s most powerful rebel groups, particularly in the now-contested northern areas, and its position will matter for the outcome of the fighting between rival rebel groups.
The violence that erupted on January 3 was preceded by several months of rapidly worsening relations between the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and the rebel mainstream. Two newly formed northern coalitions have led the charge against the ISIL, the Syria Revolutionaries’ Front (SRF) and the Mujahideen Army.
The fighting that erupted on January 3 has been driven the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) from several of its strongholds in northern Syria by rival rebel factions.
The Tawhid Brigade is one of Syria’s largest armed rebel groups fighting against the regime of President Bashar al-Assad and dominating much of the insurgency around Aleppo.
Many Lebanese Alawites do not seem particularly keen on being associated with their co-religionists in Syria, and they are especially wary of being linked to the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.
The Arab Democratic Party (ADP) has long been the representative of Lebanon’s tiny Alawite community. Its long-standing alliance with the Assad regime has ensured its political and paramilitary hegemony over Lebanon’s Alawites. But new Alawite voices are emerging that are more critical of the Assad regime and of the ADP.
Isolating Iran from the Syria peace talks is no longer a realistic option.
The extension of the Salafi rebel group, the Islamic State of Iraq, into Syria has finally put an end to the debate of whether al-Qaeda in Mesopotamia has been dissolved.
The People’s Protection Units (YPG), a secular-leftist armed faction, has been in control of most of the Kurdish areas of northern Syria.
One of the most elusive questions around Gulf donations to rebel brigades in Syria is how they arrive and understanding the logistics is key to any efforts to cut off the funds to extremist-linked groups.
For some months now, rumors have been making the rounds about a resumption of intelligence cooperation between certain European states and the government in Damascus.
Osama Amin al-Shihabi, a well-established actor on the Levantine jihadi scene, has recently been appointed head of the Nusra Front’s Palestinian wing in Lebanon.
Syria’s refugee crisis is one of the most pressing humanitarian problems in the world today. More than one-third of Syria’s population is now estimated to have fled the conflict.
The conflict among rebels at the strategic Bab al-Hawa border crossing into Turkey has rattled both the Syrian opposition and its foreign backers.
The creation of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood’s political wing, also known as the Waad Party for its Arabic acronym which means “promise,” had long been in the pipeline.
There’s a wider conflict brewing—and it is very much related to the marginalization of the Supreme Military Council.
Islamic Front, a coalition of some of the largest Islamist rebel factions in the Syrian civil war, have seized control over Bab al-Hawa. This large border crossing between Turkey and Syria’s Idlib Province has long been a main entry point for supplies to the insurgency.
The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), which is led by Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, says only that it supports minority rights within a democratic Syria and that it is not in favor of autonomy for Syrian Kurds.