The recent arrests of several Saudi political figures reinforce long-standing trends toward heightened centralization and more restive public discourse in the kingdom.
The Kamour sit-in’s self-sufficient organization, open participatory style, mostly peaceful tactics, and realistic demands—along with the government’s understanding and relative openness to dialogue—is a model that barely exists in other Arab countries.
The link between conflict and democracy in Turkey casts doubt on the assumption of a natural relationship between conflict resolution and democratic improvements.
Despite their divergent paths after the 2010–2011 uprisings, Egypt and Tunisia are today facing similar economic challenges.
Moscow’s relations with Tehran are currently much more cooperative than competitive, although the two countries’ foreign policy goals don’t always align.
The shortcomings that characterized Egypt’s economy before the 2011 uprising remain in place. Until they are addressed, renewed political volatility remains possible.
Incremental practical steps and confidence-building measures offer the best hope for progress toward the creation of a weapons of mass destruction–free zone in the Middle East.
In anticipation of the eventual power vacuum in Mosul, Kurdish forces have begun to plan for what comes next in the city, only an hour’s drive from Erbil, Iraqi Kurdistan’s capital.
A new layer of ambitious small and midsize powers is emerging in the Middle East, representing a structural shift in the regional order and an opportunity for European diplomacy.
Algeria might be more stable because of Bouteflika’s policies, but it still faces significant domestic and regional challenges.
Strategic spending has long helped the Algerian government placate its citizens and maintain fragile stability. But deteriorating finances could jeopardize that approach.
As a number of countries in the Middle East and North Africa seek to meet their growing energy needs, they are forced to weigh the highly contested costs and benefits of nuclear power.
The Egyptian president’s central role in economic policy making is unlikely to deliver on the intended goals and could exacerbate existing problems—or generate new ones.
Peaceful Salafi political parties are losing strength in Egypt and Tunisia while the popularity of Salafi-jihadi movements aiming to build an Islamic state by force is increasing.
Algeria’s tough security stance and the legacy of the country’s bloody civil war help explain why relatively few Algerians are fighting abroad.
The consequences of Congress stopping the deal would be harsh for the United States and chaotic for international order.
The Syrian refugee crisis is no longer a short-term regional issue: it is a long-term international problem that deserves a coordinated answer, especially from the EU.
If the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood wants to maintain its coherence, the leadership has to balance the concerns of the popular base with the ways of the old guard.
An effective strategy to defeat the jihadist group must overcome the deep-seated mistrust between Iraq’s Sunni and Shia communities.
Through its pragmatic foreign policy, the leadership of the Kurdistan region has won trust in Washington and other capitals.