Even if Egypt succeeds in holding completely free presidential and parliamentary elections, there is no way for the country to make a transition to real democracy if its internal security services resume their pre-January 25 mode of operation.
As regional and international opinion moves in favor of supporting the imposition of a no-fly zone over Libya, Egypt, Tunisia, and Turkey should all participate in its implementation.
Saudi Arabia is extremely unlikely to experience the turmoil seen elsewhere in the region, since the Saudi kingdom is among the best equipped to handle the wave of popular protests roiling the Arab world.
A year after the Iraqi elections, the struggle for power between Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki and his rival Ayad Allawi could threaten Iraq’s progress toward stability, security, and democracy.
One major risk coming out of Libya’s escalating internal turmoil is the ability for dangerous Islamist fighters who were previously in custody to threaten U.S. interests.
Proposed amendments to Egypt’s constitution meet some longstanding opposition and civil society demands but may also create new uncertainties.
In spite of the massive popular protests that have swept away two Arab strongmen and shaken half a dozen monarchies and republics, the Arab world has yet to witness any fundamental change in ruling elites and even less in the nature of governance.
China's leaders have exercised tight control over media coverage of the Middle East protests and reacted quickly to quell any domestic civil unrest.
The Egyptian economic reforms Washington invested in for decades are at risk of unraveling due to the lack of serious political reforms.
Regional Islamist movements are struck by suddenly open avenues for political activity following the unrest in Egypt and Tunisia, but they have yet to decide how to respond to these new opportunities.
As Palestinians observe the growing unrest across the region, there is a growing awareness while the situation in Palestine is unsustainable, there seem to be no viable alternatives.
The deep and broad popular consensus to maintain the Jordanian monarchy is based less on the people's loyalty to Hashimites and more on their suspicions of each other.
The current protests in Bahrain result from longstanding political tensions that have been rising dangerously in the country for at least the last six months and were building for several years before that.
While the removal from power of Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak were historic moments for the entire Arab world, the old regimes in Tunisia and Egypt are still fighting to retain as much power and control as they can.
Unless Algeria's leaders quickly address the major structural problems plaguing the nation's economy and increase government oversight, protests in the country will likely grow.
While the scale of the protests in Yemen has so far remained modest in comparison to those in Egypt and Tunisia, the impact for a country already on the brink of failure could be significant.
The time for top-down political reform has come and gone in Egypt. In its place the world is seeing bottom-up change, with all its inherent risks.
As a new national unity government in Tunisia struggles to gain support, political parties, civil society, and the military will play a critical role in determining whether the country can transition to a more democratic state or will fall back into its old political structure.
The ongoing protests in Egypt, marked by an emphasis on domestic issues, a lack of ideological rhetoric, and a record presence of youth, have created a real opening for broadened popular participation and reform.
The EU, which has worked for decades on North Africa’s development, must step up its efforts to bolster the region’s private sector and dismantle its own agricultural protectionism.