The United States can neither transform Syria nor walk away from it. Washington needs to accept the reality that its role will likely be limited.
Syria’s coming battles will determine the final relationship between the central government in Damascus and the Syrian Kurds, even when this is not their immediate or sole purpose.
The recent Hamas-Fatah reconciliation may reflect shifting dynamics in negotiations on Gaza, both regionally and internationally.
Every one of the very real challenges Iran poses in the world would be made more difficult to manage if Iran were freed of the nuclear limits agreed in the JCPOA, and every one of them would be made more difficult if the United States isolates itself from its partners.
U.S. and Afgani leaders have agreed to ask Qatar to close the Taliban's political commission office. This would be a mistake that would prevent further negotiations to end the war in Afghanistan. The office has previously proved its usefulness in a prisoner exchange.
Fundamentally, it seems irrational to leave an agreement that’s working today out of a fixation on potential growth of Iran’s nuclear program more than a decade from now, when such growth could happen tomorrow if we unravel the agreement.
Concern over ballistic missiles should not be the impetus for withdrawing from the Iran nuclear deal. Ballistic missiles were intentionally left out of the deal because of the lack of international consensus.
The rise of electric vehicles appears unstoppable, but they need much more to cause a serious disruption in the transport sector.
The smart way to get tough on Iran would be to commit to the nuclear deal, enforce it to the hilt, and work with global partners on a long-term strategy to deal with Iran’s challenge.
The role of sharia in the Saudi state is likely to undergo significant changes.
Regional connectivity projects give Afghanistan a substantive trading alternative to Pakistan and provide a powerful mechanism for trade and economic development.
India’s traditionally neutral position in the Middle East has ended with the landmark Israel visit. The future balancing of India’s westward pivot will be determined by a new regional order led assertively be Saudi Arabia, and one which sees Iran as enemy number one.
The recent dynastic shake-up in Saudi Arabia was not only about power, patronage, and personality, but about the future trajectory of the kingdom.
The Saudi-Iran rivalry for preeminence in the Middle East is more likely to escalate rather than deescalate in the coming years.
The core U.S. interests in the Persian Gulf are to maintain the free flow of oil, prevent terrorist attacks against the United States, and prevent Iran from establishing its hegemony over the region.
The administration needs to come up with a sensible strategy to confront Iran where it challenges core U.S. interests. But playing around with a nuclear agreement is both irresponsible and dangerous.
While Trump's energy program is still unfolding it is clear that he is sticking to the pledges he made during his presidential campaign.
Even if Tillerson can manage an agreement that defuses the current crisis in Qatar, it won’t fix the problem. Saudi Arabia seems determined to turn Qatar into a semi-vassal state.
The rise of Hindu nationalism in India is transforming Indian Muslims into second class citizens, while the South Asian brand of Islam has lost some autonomy because of growing influence from the Gulf.
Benghazi’s war is not simply an army operation against terrorists, but a deeply intimate social conflict, between neighbors and cousins, overlaid with tribal- and class-based tensions.