Carnegie Middle East Center
Border markets on Yemen’s northwestern border with Saudi Arabia gave rise to a distinct economic system and bridged communities. Yet the war in Yemen has either destroyed them or forced their closure.
Idlib is heavily dependent on the delivery of aid, the disruption of which would almost surely create a humanitarian crisis.
Russia is in the Mediterranean to stay. As long as the Kremlin remains locked in a tense standoff with NATO, it will aim to prevent the alliance from dominating the region.
U.S. President Joe Biden says he wants “equal measures of freedom, prosperity, and democracy” for Gaza. What steps can he take to achieve that in practice?
Tunisia's informal trade networks reflect growing trends: the country's progressive shift away from Europe, and the rise of Turkey and China as major trade partners.
The lack of trust between citizens and their civilian institutions has led to a total inability of political institutions to respond to peoples’ demands.
Centering rights and human security will not only help create the conditions needed to achieve a durable political solution but also promote U.S. interests abroad.
The decisions taken by the Biden administration to end the war in Yemen have ironically yielded the opposite effect: an unprecedented military escalation, more victims, and a worsening humanitarian crisis.
An agreement transferring the Sudanese military’s commercial enterprises to civilian control is a remarkable step toward democratic consolidation, but could stumble on key policy prerequisites.
A new U.S. approach should prioritize protecting the rights and human security of Palestinians and Israelis over maintaining a peace process and attempting short-term fixes.
External pressure has never been effective in forcing the parties to abandon their core principles. Only a negotiated two-state solution has the potential to satisfy both sides.
The United States can play an important mediating role in conflicts, but it's only truly effective when the parties own their negotiations and engage with one another based on their own interests and motives.
A rights-based approach to Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking must be balanced with the national interests of the United States, as well as those of the parties themselves.
As border crossings reopen, Jordanian authorities might have to tolerate a degree of informal petty trade with Syria to revive Ramtha's economy and prevent social unrest.
Over time, the Kuwait-Saudi border has developed a unique, flexible approach of firm physical boundaries but open economic boundaries. This approach allows both countries to resolve border disputes, such as an oil-related dispute from 2009 to 2019, but more investment could further strengthen Kuwait-Saudi ties.
The Iraqi-Syrian border continues to be geopolitically restless. Kurdish parties have taken advantage of central government weaknesses to increase their autonomy in these areas.
Ouargla Province, in central Algeria, is a resource-rich but infrastructure-poor province. As protests there ramp up, Algiers may find itself squeezed on solutions.
Kuwait and Iraq have worked hard to rebuild bilateral ties. Resolving their maritime dispute as part of larger discussions could provide a model of diplomacy.
Authoritarian military politics in North Africa will be shaped by relations between the military and the head of state, dynamics within the coercive sector, marginalization of the private sector, and the ability of state actors to leverage foreign support.
Challenges to governance across the Arab region are likely to exacerbate in light of the strain produced by the COVID-19 crisis.