Carnegie Middle East Center
The One World of Pax Americana that has existed since the end of the Cold War is already history. US global dominance is still in place, but the peace has been shattered again. The new era is not a replay of the 20th century contest. It may be equally dangerous, but in its own way.
Syrian refugees want a free, just, and accountable system of governance in Syria.
Modern U.S. policy in Libya is confronted by shades of gray and a counterterrorism narrative that tends to flatten and obscure complexities.
Distilled to its essence, Tehran’s steadfast support for Assad is not driven by the geopolitical or financial interests of the Iranian nation, nor the religious convictions of the Islamic Republic, but by a visceral hatred for the state of Israel.
As the living conditions for Syrian refugees worsen and the risks of going home mount, the notion of a voluntary return is rapidly losing meaning.
U.S. President Donald Trump has no intentions of getting stuck in Syria’s civil war.
Policymakers need to learn from their military subordinates: They should keep their heads cool and think of the consequences of their actions, both intended and unintended.
While other Palestinian institutions are in crisis, Hamas has maintained its integrity and survived political turmoil. But to capitalize on this, it will need to revise its strategy.
The Sahel is a source of high instability for the Maghreb and by extension for Europe.
Following the end of the fighting in Syria, displaced refugees will require four things before they return home.
Continued U.S. engagement in Syria is necessary to prevent a resurgence of extremism.
As Pakistan balances cooperation with Iran and its relationship with Saudi Arabia, Indo-Saudi relations are on the rise and Iran continues to play India and Pakistan against each other for its own gain.
European donors should persist with a localist approach in Syria, but efforts should generate an inclusive notion of democratic citizenship rather than just support the liberal-moderate opposition.
The rise in Salafi militancy in Lebanon is not only due to the spillover of the Syrian war, but also to the Sunni elite’s failure at tackling the grievances of their co-religionists.
The upcoming Egyptian presidential election is neither free nor democratic. The United States must not treat this election as a legitimate expression of the Egyptian people’s will.
The United States cannot ignore nor extricate itself from Syria without durably harming its regional interests and the post-WWII liberal order it helped create. Only through discipline, commitment, and leadership can Washington help bring peace to Syria.
Nearly a decade after the Arab uprisings, tempers in the outlying regions of the Maghreb are on the boil. Scarred by a history of states’ neglect, with poverty rates often more than triple that of urban areas, these frontiers of discontent are being transformed into incubators of instability.
The U.S.-Saudi relationship is based on mutual expectations that are unlikely to be met. It will endure but it is likely to remain far more fraught and complex and, in the years ahead, increasingly less beneficial for the United States.
A massive deterioration of the rule of law in Turkey is making a political alliance with the EU impossible, but cooperation must continue. Supporting the country’s resilient democrats is a major political task for Brussels.
State control of Algeria’s religious sphere is robust, yet it has recently been challenged by the upsurge in violent ideologies in the Maghreb region and beyond.