Carnegie Middle East Center
- Follow Carnegie
- Search
- Global Resources
Global Centers
Languages
The Yemen war has opened a subtle but acute season of popular discontent and regional rivalry in Mahra, stuck in a three-players game among Saudis, Emiratis and Omanis.
During both Obama’s and Trump’s time in office, the Kremlin has demonstrated a remarkable knack for filling the vacuums created by U.S. policymakers in the Middle East and beyond, usually on the cheap.
The result of Khalifa Haftar’s offensive has been a major shift in the balance of power in Libya.
The Syrian regime is allowing the religious domain to grow, but only within the patrimonial environment the state created.
The Houthis have continually exploited different identities to gain power. Will a political compromise hand them their next identity—as an official authority in Yemen?
Though the Muslim Brotherhood and Iran share ideological commonalities and points of political convergence, several impediments stand in the way of deeper ties between them.
Despite a hardened border, smugglers continue to find a way. Together, Algeria and Morocco need to de-incentivize smuggling and reduce corruption.
The inversion of force and diplomacy after 9/11 left scars that would long endure—for the Middle East and America’s role in the world.
Protests have stopped President Abdelaziz Bouteflika from seeking another term, but it won’t change the military’s domination of the political system.
Despite nearly five years of repression, the Muslim Brotherhood has proven resilient. The group may yet eat away at the Egyptian regime's legitimacy and even its stability.
Zarif’s considerable diplomatic talents, coupled with his lack of authority, have meant that history will more likely remember him as more an enabler rather than a restrainer.
It is the disdain of the regime that gives the Algerians the strength to say enough is enough.
In the face of poor election results for the last five years, Bahrain’s Sunni Islamists have fallen back on the loyalism and political quiescence common to oil-rich states.
Declining economic conditions are a chief concern of citizens in the Middle East. Thus, the future of Salafi parties is ultimately tied to the success of their economic proposals.
The EAF has been a slumbering giant since the late 1970s but appears to be awakening. Increasing threats, pressure from Washington, and Sisi's confidence all play a part.
U.S. judges recently accepted an appeal that clears the way for the courts to hear claims against tax-exempt American organizations and prominent donors involved in Israeli settlements.
As New Delhi prepares to host the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, India must come to terms with an unfamiliar idea—“nationalism in Arabia”.
At the Sochi summit, Erdogan, Putin, and Rouhani will discuss how to solve the conflict in Syria. But audiences back home will be at the front of their minds.
While the Middle East needs a collective security architecture, the U.S. proposal must be changed if it is actually going to exist—let alone succeed.
For both the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, the new emphasis on separating religion from politics and confronting “political Islam” is not a question of defining an abstract theory of the state. It is a considered response to the grave challenges they face.