Idlib is heavily dependent on the delivery of aid, the disruption of which would almost surely create a humanitarian crisis.
Centering rights and human security will not only help create the conditions needed to achieve a durable political solution but also promote U.S. interests abroad.
An agreement transferring the Sudanese military’s commercial enterprises to civilian control is a remarkable step toward democratic consolidation, but could stumble on key policy prerequisites.
As border crossings reopen, Jordanian authorities might have to tolerate a degree of informal petty trade with Syria to revive Ramtha's economy and prevent social unrest.
Ouargla Province, in central Algeria, is a resource-rich but infrastructure-poor province. As protests there ramp up, Algiers may find itself squeezed on solutions.
Kuwait and Iraq have worked hard to rebuild bilateral ties. Resolving their maritime dispute as part of larger discussions could provide a model of diplomacy.
Holding elections wouldn't solve all the problems Palestinians face, but they could lead to a semblance of unity, or at least modest signs of renewal and better coordination
As Egypt and Ethiopia negotiate the details of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, tensions are on the rise. Sudan, which has vested interest in the dam, too, could be an essential third party to smooth over the disputes.
The November 2020 ceasefire agreement halted the war over Nagorny Karabakh, but a sustainable peace agreement remains far from reach. By providing economic support and fostering dialogue and reconciliation, international actors can play a role in this long-term project.
As conflicts in Syria, Yemen, Libya, and Iraq move toward de-escalation, postwar reconstruction will be complicated. Each country has a unique postwar outlook, but in all four countries, political reconstruction is a key foundation for long-term economic stability.
Protesters in the marginalized city of Tataouine have successfully forced the hand of Tunisia's government, becoming an inspiration for other struggling regions. But while under tremendous constraints, including a pandemic, is Tunis even capable of delivering on its commitments?
Without deep legislative and structural reforms, Lebanon's agricultural sector could suffer severely, pushing even more people out of work and into poverty.
Pouring money into health infrastructure will have little effect if qualified doctors have few incentives to stay.
Armed forces in power and in business will be hard-pressed to implement the complex and painful economic reforms needed to stimulate growth.
The Egyptian military’s involvement in the economy has come at a high cost, contributing to underperformance in development.
President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi has reinvigorated state capitalism in Egypt through military-led real estate development, industrial hubs, extractive activities, private sector encroachment, and using private investment to recapitalize the public sector.
The successful completion of Egypt’s 2016 IMF program is superficial, hiding poor economic growth relative to emerging market peers and an economy burdened by a military-led public sector.
The Egyptian military’s capture of state resources under President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi depends on a poorly run state and the visible corruption of the former regime, auguring a new ruling class of military officers.
Many countries in the Middle East and North Africa still struggle to manage the coronavirus, but Morocco’s response suggests an important evolution in civil-military relations.
In Lebanon, spatial inequality is deepening amid the economic, financial, and political crises. To level out regional disparities, the Lebanese government should pursue these redistribution policies.