Whatever the outcome of Turkey’s June 24 elections, a new presidential system will come into effect and the foreign policy, economic, and social ramifications will be significant.
Gulf-based Salafi financiers have had a diminished role in the Syrian civil war recently, but their influence will linger in the country's religious sphere.
Muqtada al-Sadr, a prominent Shia cleric, may shed light on the country's future with his next steps.
The Salafi Community has established a strong presence in state institutions while also expanding its transnational linkages.
While other Palestinian institutions are in crisis, Hamas has maintained its integrity and survived political turmoil. But to capitalize on this, it will need to revise its strategy.
European donors should persist with a localist approach in Syria, but efforts should generate an inclusive notion of democratic citizenship rather than just support the liberal-moderate opposition.
A massive deterioration of the rule of law in Turkey is making a political alliance with the EU impossible, but cooperation must continue. Supporting the country’s resilient democrats is a major political task for Brussels.
State control of Algeria’s religious sphere is robust, yet it has recently been challenged by the upsurge in violent ideologies in the Maghreb region and beyond.
No longer confined to homeland states, Shia politics is being advocated, reinforced, and supported by diasporic transnational networks.
Iran boasts that its foreign policy is driven by fighting injustice rather than furthering the state’s economic interests. This may restrain possibilities for reform.
As one of the region’s largest countries, Iran has sought to fill the power vacuums after the U.S.-led invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, coupled with ongoing Arab upheavals.
Some Yemeni tribes regard the Houthis as a bigger threat than al-Qaeda. But as the war drags on, the tribes’ ability to push both groups out of Bayda governorate diminishes.
The recent arrests of several Saudi political figures reinforce long-standing trends toward heightened centralization and more restive public discourse in the kingdom.
The Kamour sit-in’s self-sufficient organization, open participatory style, mostly peaceful tactics, and realistic demands—along with the government’s understanding and relative openness to dialogue—is a model that barely exists in other Arab countries.
The link between conflict and democracy in Turkey casts doubt on the assumption of a natural relationship between conflict resolution and democratic improvements.
Despite their divergent paths after the 2010–2011 uprisings, Egypt and Tunisia are today facing similar economic challenges.
Moscow’s relations with Tehran are currently much more cooperative than competitive, although the two countries’ foreign policy goals don’t always align.
The shortcomings that characterized Egypt’s economy before the 2011 uprising remain in place. Until they are addressed, renewed political volatility remains possible.
Incremental practical steps and confidence-building measures offer the best hope for progress toward the creation of a weapons of mass destruction–free zone in the Middle East.
In anticipation of the eventual power vacuum in Mosul, Kurdish forces have begun to plan for what comes next in the city, only an hour’s drive from Erbil, Iraqi Kurdistan’s capital.