Carnegie Middle East Center
- Follow Carnegie
- Search
- Global Resources
Global Centers
Languages
To maintain his reputation as Libya’s only savior, Haftar is now more likely to make dramatic moves against declared enemies and inside his own camp.
Four experts examine the implications Tunisia’s first free and fair local elections may have for political parties, security forces, decentralization, and the democratic transition.
The presence of foreign armed groups in Libya’s south poses an increasing threat to local security and regional political ties.
Although Maghreb states have tended to pursue border security unilaterally, increased transnational coordination at the local level offers a more sustainable approach.
Although Morocco is aiming to diversify its trade relations into West Africa, political and social opposition within ECOWAS raises questions about its real intentions.
Growing cooperation between Egypt and Israel will have direct implications on Cairo’s ability to play its traditional role as a mediator in the Palestinian peace process.
The Egyptian authorities’ undifferentiated use of torture is adding to Egyptians’ growing frustration at the impunity of officials and the erosion of the rule of law.
Ghassan Salamé’s action plan for Libya faces numerous obstacles from entrenched political elites, who see it as just another venue in which to seek personal gain.
The launch of a large-scale military operation across Egypt is well-timed to give President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi a boost in popular support ahead of elections in March.
Sudan’s refusal to liberalize the pound’s exchange rate and ongoing battle with the black market have ignored the lessons from Egypt’s own mistakes in managing its currency.
Egypt’s efforts at subsidy reform provide suggestions for Tunisia and Sudan, both witnessing protests stemming in part from increased prices of staple goods.
The Egyptian military is exploiting legal loopholes and bureaucratic mechanisms to control which military personnel can exercise their constitutional right to political participation.
The continued poor performance of the Tunisian economy and the popular discontent might undermine grassroots trust in democracy across the region.
While countries in the Maghreb and the Gulf are increasing their security cooperation, they lack a long-term strategic understanding.
The Egyptian regime may have miscalculated the extent of judicial opposition to its attempts to control appointments of high-ranking judges.
Egypt’s religious institutions are competing for authority and trying to secure their positions in the religious public space.
Egypt’s foreign reserves have begun to recover, but weak foreign direct investment and accumulating debt could hinder reforms down the line.
Sisi is targeting spaces such as youth sports clubs and even universities to further stifle political expression and discourse among youth.
Morocco’s transfer of the public prosecutor out of the Ministry of Justice signals a broader shift toward the judiciary’s independence from the executive.
In confronting the Sahel’s transnational security challenges, international actors would benefit from giving Maghreb states a role in stabilization and development.