Tunisia’s 217-member Constituent Assembly must now write a constitution. What are the next stages of institutional reform?
The Egyptian military has emerged as the most serious threat to the transition to democracy; ten months after helping ease Mubarak out of office, SCAF announcements leave no doubt that it intends to maintain its control indefinitely.
With the deadline for legislative elections approaching, will the army step down in deference to civilian rule – or tighten its grip in the face of mounting pressures?
While the final outcomes of the Arab transitions are far from over, one thing is certain: civil-military relations will be redefined and renegotiated in every country. Arab militaries will inevitably fulfill a more central role in politics, and formalizing this reality may be the only hope for consolidating democratic transitions.
In the aftershocks of Midan Tahrir, al-Azhar declares its support for democracy, pluralism – and its independence from a government that has long manipulated it.
Mohamed Kadry Said, a military and technology advisor and head of the military studies unit at the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, discusses security sector reform in Egypt in an interview with Arab Reform Bulletin Editor Michele Dunne.
While Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood and its new Freedom and Justice Party have gone to lengths to clarify their stances on social issues and the relation between religion and the state, they must further clarify their relationship to each other and allow the party a sufficient level of independence.
Recent sectarian clashes in Cairo and ongoing tensions in Qena highlight the mobilizing power of religion in post-revolution Egypt and raise concerns over how inter-religious relations will be handled by future governments.
Voter approval of constitutional amendments in Egypt provides a strong boost to the military-led transition process, however the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces has yet to announce the schedule of elections or clarify the electoral procedures that will govern them.
History has taught Egyptians not to trust promises of reform from the halls of power. As such, popular protest and international pressure must continue and the army must support the protesters or remain neutral for real democratic change to be achieved.
The time for top-down political reform has come and gone in Egypt. In its place the world is seeing bottom-up change, with all its inherent risks.
The bombing in Egypt of a Coptic church on January 1 is but the latest development in a long history of sectarian tensions that are rooted not in religious differences, but in the absence of basic democratic rights.
The Higher Electoral Commission is not an independent, neutral, or capable body as is clamied by Egyptain officials and NDP members.
Wael Nawara, the Secretary General of the Ghad Party in Egypt, discusses the opposition's preparations for the upcoming parliamentary elections and examines the decisions of the parties that chose to participate and those that chose to boycott.
Mahmoud Ali Mohamed, the Secretary General of the Egyptian Association for Supporting Democratic Development, discusses the experiences of Egypt's civil society in monitoring elections and their outlook on the upcoming parliamentary elections.
After years of political apathy, the Egyptian diaspora is beginning to mobilize around ElBaradei and the demand for voting abroad.
Differences between the old guard and the new business elite within the ruling NDP are playing a role in the question of presidential succession.
In the Arab Reform Bulletin's first video interview, Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood spokesman Essam al-Arian explains the movement's strategy toward fall 2010 People's Assembly elections and the 2011 presidential race. The Brotherhood ran 12 candidates in the June 1, 2010 Shura Council elections, none of whom won a seat.
ElBaradei's movement for change is redefining political activism in Egypt and in the process presenting legal opposition parties with difficult choices.
Islamic media attempts to entertain as well as edify reflect the repositioning of Islam within Egyptian society.