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Some religious institutions have gained influence since the Syrian uprising began. Yet they have paid a price, as the regime has used them to advance its own interests.
The Iraqi Islamic Party has demonstrated resilience over the last fifteen years, but unless it can increase its popularity, it is unlikely to regain a meaningful role in governing Iraq.
Torn apart by worsening internal conflicts, the Jordanian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood is struggling to avoid domestic isolation.
Hezbollah will be hard-pressed to balance its regional role with the growing socioeconomic demands of Lebanese voters.
Both Hamas and Hezbollah have taken a flexible approach to maintaining their political influence. This has allowed them to weather the ups and downs of their relationship in recent years.
Gulf-based Salafi financiers have had a diminished role in the Syrian civil war recently, but their influence will linger in the country's religious sphere.
A preliminary assessment of Iraq’s parliamentary elections suggests that compromise will be inevitable.
As Hamas tries to rebuild its military credibility, Israel is reacting to this in lethal ways.
Muqtada al-Sadr, a prominent Shia cleric, may shed light on the country's future with his next steps.
The Salafi Community has established a strong presence in state institutions while also expanding its transnational linkages.
Several years after the Arab uprisings, the diverse landscape of Islamist actors continues to shift in different directions, often tailored by and for the existing challenges.
Carnegie scholars explore the transformations that Islamist groups and parties in the region (across national, ethnic, sectarian, and doctrinal divides) are undergoing, by examining both the external factors that impact them, and their internal dynamics and tensions around questions of governance, ideology, and violence.
This project was made possible with the generous support of the Carnegie Corporation of New York (CCNY).
