The Islamic State will continue to be a major actor in the Syrian conflict in 2015 and beyond. The organization’s mode of operation may change, but not the fact of its existence.
To revive the Sunni authority’s long tradition of Islamic moderation, Dar al-Fatwa’s new leader must unite all of Lebanon’s Sunni community.
The Lebanese government—reacting four years too late—should have had a policy on the Syrian crisis from the start of the conflict to ensure the livelihoods of the Syrian refugees and their host communities.
It is useful to consider what processes are implicated in the ongoing reconstruction experiences of Iraq and Lebanon and what, in turn, these experiences can reveal about the Syrian case moving forward.
Alongside the impact of the civil war taking place in Syria, the mass displacement of Syrians since 2011 is widely acknowledged as the most severe and pressing humanitarian catastrophe today.
As the Arab Spring approaches its fourth anniversary, the Arab world generally is at risk of heading towards a future without politics.
The roots of the recent surge of Sunni extremism in Lebanon are local and deep. Pragmatic steps are needed to protect the country from the fate of Syria and Iraq.
The question is whether Egypt can stabilize the country and attract foreign investment needed to enliven the economy, while repressing all criticism of government policies from inside or outside and abandoning any semblance of the rule of law.
The Church is trying to revive its former role as the sole political voice of Egypt’s Copts. But that position carries real risks for the Church and the country’s Christians.
Like everything else in the country, the jihadist field in Libya is highly fragmented and hyper-localized. And the rise of the Islamic State has stirred significant debates within this fractured community about how to respond.