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The significance of the Geneva II conference is not going to lie in its formal outcomes as much as in its behind-the-scenes talks.
Egypt’s political affliction is not one dictatorial person but a host of dictatorial institutions, and much of Egyptian society is a happy participant rather than cowering victim in the wave of repression.
What is missing in the interpretations of sectarianism and identifying its roots is a focus on the role of institutions and the agency of political actors in deliberately invoking and amplifying sectarian passions.
Both Islamist and secular forces should work together to guarantee the right of others to operate in a democratic system, even if they don’t agree with the other’s views.
If the second Arab awakening is to be successful, it cannot just be a movement against despotic rule. It also has to be a movement for pluralism.
Washington must not pretend that some empty imitations of democratic processes, such as the recent referendum, constitute a meaningful return to the path toward “bread, freedom and social justice” that Egyptians rightfully demanded in 2011.
There are no short cuts to democracy or prosperity. The Second Arab Awakening has only just begun, and the end may not be known in this generation’s lifetime.
Health service delivery is high on the agenda in the Arab world. The international community must focus on increasing government efficacy and improving accountability, which can both lead to reform that will in turn expand and protect opportunities, health, and well-being in the Arab world.
Only through the painstaking process of constructing an Arab world defined by pluralism and tolerance can the dream of freedom and opportunity for the region be realized.
The first hearing of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon has been hotly anticipated by many. But the likelihood of the hearing’s having a significant impact on Lebanese political dynamics is low.
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