One hundred years after the massacre of one million Armenians, the debate about whether or not the Turks committed an act of genocide rages on.
Dabiq—the propaganda magazine of the Islamic State —has a well-established reputation, and is particularly targeting Western and Arab youth who are keen to fight under the caliphate’s banner.
With its 2014 leadership election, the Islamist group signaled that it is opening a new chapter. But some young members wanted to see even greater change.
The Assad regime has repeatedly shown its confidence over the improvement of its strategic situation, but its refusal to engage politically with its own constituencies threatens it.
Today, Lebanon hosts more Syrian refugees than any other country in the world, nearly 38 percent of the total Syrian refugee population.
Universal human rights can provide a framework through which the indivisibility of social, economic, political, and cultural rights may be argued and the struggle for these rights may take place.
The civil-military relationship has proven central to the politics of many Arab countries, both those that underwent transition in 2011 and those that did not.
The Ebola epidemic, ISIS’s ascent, and Vladimir Putin’s belligerence may be three of the most disruptive developments of 2014, but in 2015 they could all lose their potency.
Saudi Arabia has institutionalized sectarianism in virtually every aspect of political, social, and economic life.
The Middle East Studies Association insists that whatever one’s opinion of the campaign to boycott Israeli academic institutions, the principles of academic freedom protect the right of faculty to advocate for, as well as against, such boycotts.
Dissatisfied with Washington, Riyadh has undertaken an activist strategy for restoring regional order—but its forceful interventions abroad mask a deep domestic malaise.
While recognizing a Palestinian state could play a modest role in unblocking peace negotiations, it can only offer a partial solution to the Israel-Palestinian conflict.
As Tunisia prepares to enter a new phase in its process of democratization, two key challenges face the country’s government: the economy and security.
Washington and its allies should strategically continue patient diplomacy unless Iran resumes provocative nuclear activities.
The Iranian nuclear program can at best provide only two percent of Iran’s energy needs. It is an economic catastrophe when compared to the lost foreign investment, oil revenue, and sanctions.
A big challenge for the Iranian nuclear negotiations is finding a technical resolution to what is really a political conflict.
The intent of U.S. policy should be to deter Iran’s nuclear advancement, not provoke it.
The tactics of decay and infiltration, used by the Algerian authorities when confronted with the Armed Islamic Group in the 1990s, could prove useful in countering the Islamic State’s threat in Syria and Iraq.
Congressional sanctions should be conceived in order to deter Iran’s nuclear ambitions, not provoke them.
Jabhat al-Nusra is clearly positioning itself in anticipation of developments on the ground. How does that reflect what it believes—or knows—the Islamic State is preparing to do?
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